How do dialects get the features they have?
New dialect formation and language shift.
Raymond Hickey
Essen University
1 Introduction
The concern of the present paper is to look at two different types of situation found in the Anglophone world outside of Britain and to consider the forces which have been instrumental in determining what features the varieties at these locations end up with. The locations in question are (1) New Zealand for a new dialect scenario and (2) Ireland for a language shift scenario. Before starting this paper it is important to stress that it rests on a significant premise: Speakers are unconsciously aware of features in their own variety and those which they are continually in contact with. If this premise is not accepted in principle then the arguments in the paper will be vacuous. The paper will first of all present a summary of the situation with new dialect formation and with language shift and then consider what happens during focussing, i.e. at the stage when the varieties in the respective scenarios attain a stable and distinctive profile.
2 New Dialect Formation
Please note: The following remarks stem from work by Peter Trudgill on the origins of New Zealand English and are his original wording - RH.
In earlier work on new-dialect formation (Trudgill 1986), it was suggested that it is possible to distinguish between three different chronological stages in the new-dialect formation process which may be thought of as corresponding to three successive generations of speakers, although this is, of course, a considerable simplification of what actually happens.
The first stage: rudimentary levelling
The first stage involves the initial contact between adult speakers of different regional and social varieties in the new location, with certain types of accommodation of speakers to one another in face-to-face interaction and thus, as a consequence, rudimentary dialect levelling. In the case of New Zealand, this stage would have lasted until approximately 1860.
For instance, a widespread 19th-century British feature which is absent from our recordings is the merger of /v/ and /w/ as /w/, giving village as willage, which was a feature of many south-of-England dialects at this time.
The second stage (a): extreme variability
The second stage of the new-dialect formation process, of which the ONZE (Origins of New Zealand Corpus, RH) corpus now provides direct rather than inferred evidence, and which would have lasted until approximately 1900, is characterised by considerable variability.
The second stage (b): further levelling
Inter-individual variability of this type, however, although striking and considerable, is perhaps somewhat reduced compared to what was present during the first stage. That is, in spite of all the variability we witness in the ONZE corpus, it is possible that some further levelling occurred. For example, there are some features which we can be fairly sure must have been brought to New Zealand by some immigrating speakers, and must therefore have survived the initial contact stage and have been present in early New Zealand English, but which are nevertheless absent, or almost so, from the ONZE recordings.
Third stage focussing
It is only subsequently, then, in the third stage, that the new dialect will appear as a stable, crystallised variety. This crystallisation is the result of a focussing (italics mine - RH) process whose effects are very clear in modern New Zealand English, which has a remarkably small amount of regional variation. However, the big question is, as we have already noted, why the levelling that occurred took the precise form that it did.
Note that Peter Trudgill maintains that unmarked forms can survive the third stage, hence the use of schwa in unstressed syllables like the second in David, naked, etc. and that majority forms (seen overall, for all input varieties and groups) tended to pre-dominate afterwards, unmarkedness permitting - RH.
3 Language shift
The external history of Irish English The involvement of England with Ireland is a long and complicated story. For the purpose of the present paper only a brief outline of English in Ireland is offered. The first point to grasp is that there are two periods in the history of Irish English, a medieval one (1170-1600) and an early modern one (1600-present); only the latter will be considered here.
The early modern period The re-establishment of English power got under way in the 17th century after the decisive military defeat of the Irish in 1601 in Kinsale, Co. Cork. It attained a new quality with the Cromwellian settlements of the 1650¡¯s. These were undertaken by Oliver Cromwell to recompense mercenaries for services rendered during the political struggles in England following the deposition of Charles I in 1649 and were much more effective than the settlements in Munster (in the south) in the late 16th century.
The plantations of the mid 17th century can be taken to mark the beginning of the second, modern period of English in Ireland. All characteristics of contemporary Irish English are taken to stem from the beginning of the early period, though there is evidence in the phonology of popular Dublin English that elements survived from the late medieval period. At the beginning of the early modern period the development of the north and south of the country had already begun to diverge. The key event for the province of Ulster was the arrival of large numbers of settlers from Lowland Scotland as of the early 17th century (after the political vacuum left by the exodus of Irish leaders in 1607). They were Protestant Presbyterians and spoke varieties of Lowland Scots. The Scots tended to settle in the north-east and immigrants from northern England settled in the centre and south of the province. Given the quantity of settlers and the fact that they were non-aristocratic settlers who farmed the land and established towns as their bases their linguistic influence on the local population was far greater than that of earlier settlers in the south. It is this Scottish input which to this day is responsible for the very clear linguistic demarcation between Ulster (in essence the state of Northern Ireland and a couple of adjacent counties such as Donegal which are politically part of the Republic of Ireland) and the remainder of the country to the south.
Note that in the rest of the country there is little or no distinction in present-day Ireland between those who are descended from native Irish and those whose ancestors were planters in the 17th century. In the south, i.e. outside of Ulster, there is a small Protestant section of the community which is definitely not native Irish. The language of this section of the southern population does not, however, differ significantly from that of the Catholic majority.
Language shift In summary allow me to stress the two main aspects of the development of Irish English in the early modern period.
1) A long switch-over period lasted from at least the mid 17th century to the second half of the 19th century and was characterised by extensive if poor bilingualism among the native Irish. Imperfect acquisition of English would have meant for a speaker of Irish that the latter would have had a continuing influence on the former. In addition the acquisition of English was regarded as desirable for social advancement in Irish society.
2) There was no displacement of population in Ireland; there was nothing like the mixture of (West African) backgrounds which characterised the forced immigrants in the Caribbean area in the early phase of the slave trade. Nonetheless there was a concentration of native population with the expulsion of the Irish to west of the Shannon (reflected in Cromwell¡¯s dictum ¡®to hell or to Connaught¡¯) in the mid 17th century.
3) The substrate language Irish was widely spoken and thus continually available. There was never a situation in which the Irish were deprived of a native language. Before the language shift was completed, English was acquired not for communication among the Irish but between these and English speakers.
The historical picture one is left with is that of a gradual dissemination of English from east to west and from urban centres to rural districts over a period of at least two centuries, from the Cromwellian era in the mid 17th century to the post-Famine period, i.e. to the second half of the 19th century. Such a long period of bilingualism would have furthered the transfer of structure from the outset language to the target one. The use of speech habits and patterns from Irish on an individual level lasted long enough for these to spread to the entire community of Irish speakers of English as general features of their variety of the new language.
Language Shift and New Dialect scenarios In language shift features stem partly from the input variety (of English) and partly from transfer from L1 (here: Irish). Initially L1-features dominate in a situation of uncontrolled adult second language acquisition. L2-features would not compete with each other as with New Dialect Formation. Futhermore, there would not seem to be the diversity of input in the Language Shift scenario.
4 Focussing and the question of salience
Focussing is a stage in the development of a variety in which a clear overall profile emerges for the entire community of the incipient variety. For the Language Shift scenario one is talking about a stage after the development of an initial L2 variety while for the New Dialect Formation scenario one is talking about the Third Stage (see above). In both cases one is dealing with a period of focussing when the linguistic profile of a supraregional variety is determined. During this stage it would appear that certain features are discontinued (while others are favoured and promoted through regularisation and analogical spread). These can be labelled as 'salient' inasmuch as those participating in the focussing process are aware of them, albeit unconsciously, and tend to avoid them. This avoidance depends largely on the salience value of the elements involved. Salience is a phenomenon which has an internal and an external aspect and in the following a brief attempt to define both these facets is offered.
4.1 Internal definition of salience
The following features tend to be salient:
1) Unconditional phonetic variants, cf. IrishEng iverybody vs. pin, min whether there is conditional raising of E before nasals.
2) Variants which do not conform with the phonological system, e.g. front rounded vowels in English.
3) Phonemic mergers: TH + T -> T in colloquial Dublin English (thinker and tinker are homophones). U and inverted-V -> U, again in Dublin English (put and putt are homophones).
4) Acoustically prominent segments: {S} in youse /ju:z/ is more salient than ye /ji/ (both 2nd person plural forms in IrishEng).
5) Typologically unusual syntactic structures tend to be salient and conversely the opposite kinds of structure are not, e.g. the natural metaphorical extension of a locative preposition to the aspectual plane as with after + V-ing in IrishEng and Newfoundland English (He is after selling his house 'He has just sold his house.').
Note that the distinction between positive and negative salience does not apply to internally motivated salience. Indeed viewing salience as either positive or negative is something which only occurs during the social evaluation of salient features on the part of speakers in a society.
4.2 External definition of salience
A feature tends to be salient if:
1) It is characteristic of a clearly defined sub-group within a society. Positive salience applies to sub-groups with prestige and negative salience to sub-groups with low prestige.
Salient features are characteristic of an early stage of language shift which shows heavy transfer of L1-features on the part of speakers who have an imperfect control of L2.
Here one must furthermore consider whether a feature stems from an open or closed class, avoidance is greatest with open classes (lexicon, idioms, pragmatic markers) and least with closed classes (phonology, morphology, syntax).
5 Supraregionalisation
The central question for this section is how does one get from an initial stage in New Dialect Formation and Language Shift to a supraregional variety in the countries in question? In both scenarios one has a process which one can summarise as: Unconscious avoidance of salient features, a sort of dilution of features which are strongly indicative of a regional or socially stigmatised variety or varieties. On New Zealand English Elizabeth Gordon maintains that "Features not associated with a regional or social group are more likely to survive. Features more directly associated with particular dialects (i.e. salient features - RH) are more likely to disappear during dialect levelling (my supraregionalisation - RH)" (Gordon 1998). Note that one is still left with a variety with a clear profile which ends up as a de facto standard and which is later used as a yardstick against which sub-varieties in the society in question are measured.
With supraregionalisation an important consideration is whether or not there is an extranational norm which plays a role in the process (as with German in Austria or French in Wallonia, Belgium). Geographical proximity can, but need not be the determining factor: For Irish English RP is not a model because of the political relationship to England and general notions of patriotism. Although New Zealand English is much closer to RP than Irish English it is doubtful whether New Zealanders had enough exposure to standard southern British English during the formative period for RP to have acted as a norm.
6 Conclusion
The concern of this short paper has been to highlight the process which takes place with varieties in a society which has acquired a new language (language shift) or where several disparate input varieties have been moulded into a new form (new dialect formation). In both cases the events at the stage of focussing, i.e. the stage at which the varieties stabilise with a distinctive linguistic profile, show similarities in that salient features indicative of non-prestige groups are removed or at least relegated to environments of automatic conditioning (leading to a reduction of salience). This leads to a variety which is supra-regional, i.e. no longer typical for a certain sub-group in the society in question and can help to account for the relative lack of regional variation in New Zealand English and the existence of a quasi-standard of English in the south of Ireland which avoids features pointing to sub-varieties within the country. This interpretation still leaves open the question whether the supra-regional variety is just an epiphenomenon caused by alternative selection and avoidance of features in the input varieties or whether speakers collectively strive to create a variety which promotes internal linguistic cohesion in the society using it.
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